One good man

7am, 28 January 2005. The local news is on TV, the foreign ones in Financial Times, and Daily Star from home. The last one has a cover story reading:

Kibria, 4 AL men killed in grenade attacks

I sit there for a while, my tea getting cold. I think about calling my parents, but decide against it — it’s middle of the night there, why wake them up. Why wake them up to the fact that the country was sleepwalking to a disaster?

Or did they need waking up at all? A few months earlier, I received SMS messages from friends and family: Dhaka is hot again, murder attempts on Hasina, we’re safe, don’t worry. For much of the following years, I’d receive more such messages: bomb attacks etc, but we’re safe, don’t worry. Things got so bad that in October 2006, when someone rang my cellphone and started: Have you heard the news? Dr Yunus… my first thought was the sentence would end in … has been assassinated.

Seemingly, Bangladesh has turned the corner since, since we haven’t had assassinations and grenade attacks for a while.

But have we really turned the corner? Five years later, the Kibria case is still unsolved. And for three of these five years, Bangladesh has been ruled by non-BNP governments (at the very least, local BNP men are implicated in the assassination, and there is a belief that BNP high ups were involved). Forget Kibria, three months on, we still don’t know who tried to kill Fazl-e-Noor Tapash.

Have we really turned the corner? Perhaps not.

Even as we mourn him, and demand justice, we should also celebrate SAMS Kibria’s life and achievements. We need more people like him in Bangladesh, particularly in politics.

(More at Mukti)

The coup that dared not speak its name

Thirty five years ago today, Bangladesh’s first experiment with democracy came to an end through the imposition of one party rule.  It took 16 years, several assassinations, coups, countercoups, and popular uprisings before  the second democratic experiment started.  That experiment came to an abrupt halt on 11 January 2007.  Fortunately, this time round, unrepresentative rule didn’t last long.  Today marks the first anniversary of the 7th representative parliament.    

The third anniversary of 1/11 got overshadowed by the Prime Minister’s trip to India.  Fortunately, regular UV pariticipant Tacit has written a series for Mukti, looking back at the coup that dared not speak its name (to borrow the Economist’s words).

Read more…

Phantom menace, or a new hope?

There is a lot of noise about the court case re: 5th Amendment.   Senior politicians from both parties, various legal experts, non-legal experts in TV talk shows, and other sundry pundits who write columns (and blogs) have been expressing their opinions freely.  Some people (including the Law Minister) are saying the court’s verdict means: we are on our way to the 1972 constitution, secularism will return, religion-based politics will become illegal, and oh, Zia’s government was illegal.  Others are saying this verdict means: Bismillah will be erased from the constitution and Islam will be gone from the country, we will have a constitutional crisis, and/or we will return to Bakshal-style fascism. 

As with many other things, I think our media is doing an atrocious job of reporting the facts.  In fact, the reporting is so hazy that a fellow blogger with an astute political antenna said to me that he couldn’t make much sense of it at all. 

I don’t have any more expertise in constitutional law than my friend, and so it may well be like a blind leading another.  Over the fold is what I think the verdict means: military coups are illegal, but fears of Bakshal returning or claims that religion-based politics will be automatically banned are ill-founded. 

We shall very much appreciate anyone with background in consitutional law clarifying the situation for us.

(For some inexplicable reason, the ending of this post got lost in the cyberspace yesterday.  My apologies.  A new ending is now written.  JR, 7.05am BDT, 9 Jan)

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Bangladesh was born on 26 March, not 16 December

It was surprising how people all of a sudden greeted “Happy Birthday Bangladesh” this year!

From facebook status to SMS to emails and personal conversations, people began to greet each other on “Bangladesh’s Birthday” this year. A real-estate agent even had a big commercial printed on Prothom Alo (page 9, 16 Dec) where the headline says “today is Bangladesh’s Birthday”.

Perhaps, having a birthday for a nation adds fun to the celebration, and is catchy for the young generations. May be it is good for Azad Products, Archie’s and Hallmarks as well.

But calling 16 December the “Birthday of Bangladesh”—innocently, emotionally or unknowingly— can have a far reaching negative consequence for our history! At a time when Bangladesh is getting prepared to try the war criminals, this confusion can be detrimental to the trial of War Criminals. This post will try to answer some misconceptions about the birth of Bangladesh. Read more…

বাঙ্গালীত্বঃ অতীত, বর্তমান, ও ভবিষ্যত

Canberra-PosterDrishtipat Australia and Bangla Academy Australia organised a seminar on ‘Bangalit-to: otit, bortoman o bhobish-shot’ at the Australian National University in Canberra on 30 August 2009The speakers were Professor Anisuzzaman, Professor Emeritus, Dhaka University, Bangladesh and Professor Dipesh Chakrabarty, Professor of History, Chicago University, USA.

On 2 November, Canberra’s Bangla radio presented Professor Anisuzzaman’s talk on the history of the Bengali people, how politics shaped our language and culture, our future that lies in the plurality, and the responsibility that, according to him, has slipped to the lower-middle class from the upper middle class.

http://www.banglaradio.org.au/wax/02Nov09.mp3

On 9 November, Professor Dipesh Chakrabarty’s presentation on the diversity of the Bengali people, difference and complexity of our language — how it reflects our life, history, landscape, and how it evolved over time and formed into a mature language — the essence of ‘bangalit-to’, was aired.

http://www.banglaradio.org.au/wax/02Nov09.mp3

On this Victory Day, we hope you enjoy the talks.

A strange camel

We lived in Monipuri Para in December 1990.  With schools and colleges closed indefinitely because of the state of emergency, we — neighbourhood boys aged 13-17 — passed our days playing cricket.  On the 3rd, there was a break in curfew.  We went towards Farmgate.  There was an army truck in front of the Janata Bank, and a crowd waiting for buses in front of Ananda cinema.  Everything seemed quiet one moment, then someone shouted something, and before I knew it, the crowd was pelting rocks at the truck.  We got worried that tear gas might be used, but the soldiers drove away.  The crowd cheered — it was a small victory for the people against the dictator.

My father was stuck outside Dhaka when the emergency was declared.  He returned on the 4th.  In the evening, we were visited by a Dhaka University masters student who was courting one of my fupus.  An activist of the All Party Student Unity, this guy was a hero to us with his stories of brave students defying the military.  Meanwhile, my father was constantly on the phone, checking up on relatives/friends scattered throughout the city, trying to gather any news/information on what might happen next.  We didn’t have blogs or private channels in those days. ‘Everything is peaceful’, said BTV and Radio Bangladesh, but foreign radio such as the BBC relayed a different story.  Around 9pm we heard from a relative that tanks were returning to Savar cantonment. Read more…

অবিশ্বাসই সম্পর্ক উন্নয়নে প্রধান বাধা

অবিশ্বাসই সম্পর্ক উন্নয়নে প্রধান বাধা/Samakal, November 27, 2009

সমকালের সঙ্গে তপন রায়চৌধুরীর আলাপচারিতা
আবু সাঈদ খান : বাঙালি জাতির মধ্যে ঐক্য যেমন অনেক আছে বিভাজনও আছে তেমনি, জাতপাতের নানা ব্যাপার আছে। ধর্মীয় ও রাজনৈতিক বিভাজন আছে। আমরা বাংলাদেশ গড়েছি, পশ্চিমবঙ্গেও বাঙালিরা আছেন। এই সামগ্রিক প্রেক্ষাপটে বাঙালির ভবিষ্যৎ কী?
তপন রায়চৌধুরী : দেখুন, আমি অতীত নিয়ে কাজ করেছি, আমি তো বাঙালির ভবিষ্যৎ বলতে পারি না, ভবিষ্যৎ নিয়ে প্রশ্ন করলে আমি সবসময় একটি কথা বলি, কথাটা হেগেলের, দি অনলি লেসন অব হিস্ট্রি ইজ দ্যাট ম্যান কাইন্ড লার্নস নাথিং ফ্রম হিস্ট্রি। এর বহু প্রমাণ আমরা চারদিকে সবসময় দেখতে পারি। আমি পশ্চিমবঙ্গের রাজনৈতিক ভবিষ্যৎ খুব অন্ধকার মনে করি। এর থেকে আমরা বেরুতে পারব কি-না সে নিয়ে সন্দেহ রয়েছে। ৩৩ বছর বামপন্থিরা রাজত্ব করেছে। কিছু করেননি তারা সেটি ঠিক কথা নয়, কিছু করেছেন। গ্রামের মানুষ_ ভূমিহীন মানুষের উপকার করেছেন, কিন্তু সঙ্গে সঙ্গে দলবাজি, সন্ত্রাসবাজিও করেছেন। বাংলাদেশে ভবিষ্যৎ নির্ভর করবে রাজনৈতিক ইতিহাসের ওপর। আপনারা ক\’বার রাজা বদলিয়েছেন হিসাব করুন। এত রাজা বদলালে পরে স্থায়ী উন্নয়ন হওয়া মুশকিল হয়। একটা কন্টিনিউইটি অব পলিসির দরকার হয়। আশা করি, এখন সেটা হবে। কিন্তু ভারতবর্ষের গোয়েন্দা বিভাগের খবর যে, আপনাদের বর্তমান নির্বাচিত নেত্রীকে খুন করার প্ল্যান হচ্ছে। এখানে তো মনে হয় যে রাজা হয় তাকে সবসময় একটা খুন করার পরিকল্পনা চলতে থাকে। আগে ছিল একটা কথা যে, স্যাক্রিফাইস অব দ্য কিং, মধ্যযুগে বা প্রাচীন যুগে। সেটাই কোনো না কোনোভাবে চালু আছে। আমরাও রাজাকে খুন করেছি। ইন্দিরা গান্ধীকে করা হলো, তারপর তার ছেলে রাজীব গান্ধীকে করা হলো। খুন করতে আমাদের কোনো ইতস্তত হয় না। ওটায় আমরা অভ্যস্ত। মনে আছে, আমাদের গ্রামে এক গৃহভৃত্য ছিল এক বৃদ্ধ। তার নামে অন্য সবাই অভিযোগ করত যে, সে আমাদের হারামজাদা বলে গালি দেয়। ঠাকুরদা তাকে ডেকে পাঠালেন, বললেন, বুড়া তোমার কি মতিভ্রম হইছে? সকলকে তুমি নাকি হারামজাদা কইরা গালিগালাজ দেও। বুড়া বলে, ডাকেন তারে, কে কয় আমার সামনে কউক। ডেকে আনা হলো অভিযোগকারীকে। তো বৃদ্ধ বলেন, হারামজাদা, তোরে নাকি আমি হারামজাদা কই? তখন তাকে জিজ্ঞেস করা হলো, এই যে কইলা বুড়া? তখন বুড়া বলে, ওয়া তো একটা লব্জ_ কথার কথা।

Read more…

On the verdict

I missed the liveblogging of the final verdict on the 15 August trial. Perhaps just as well, because this has given me the time to gather my thoughts. It goes without saying that I unambiguously and unreservedly welcome the verdict. This post is going to touch on some points that I feel have not been covered well in the discussions in the blogosphere, print media, or in television. Not being in Dhaka, I am in no position to reflect the public mood. But I claim that be a good thing because it allows me raise contrarian points and uncomfortable questions.

My main points are these.

1. Many have said ‘this is not about vengeance, it’s about justice’. What is the theory of justice here? How does that relate to death penalty?

2. I offer my personal views, where vengeance is a part of justice. But more importantly, we need our leading thinkers to spell out their concepts of justice for the People’s Republic.

3. ‘The nation gets a sense of closure after 34 years’ — goes a very common refrain. I think this notion is profoundly wrong.

4. Real closure may come when the generations whose hands are bloodied are gone, but only if we actiely make the right choices. We made a right choice with this trial, and that’s the real significance here, not some confused notion of justice or closure.

These contrarian views may hurt people’s feelings, for which I apologise. But these are important issues that we must reflect on, and this sombre morning is as good a time as any.

(More at Mukti)

A Verdict in November

Take from the altar of the ancients, not the ashes, but the fire. – Gustav Mahler

The verdict of the Appellate Division regarding the murder of President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and members of his family is an important milestone in our political and judicial history. The men accused of the murder went through our entire judicial system, from the District Court to the Appellate Division. Some of the individuals initially accused were acquitted. Those who were convicted had the chance to present all suitable defences, and were accorded all the rights which our state gives defendants in criminal prosecutions.

For all those individuals who were affected by the gruesome murders, one hopes that this comes as some salve to the personal wound that will undoubtedly haunt them the rest of their lives. The psychological trauma that comes from the assassination of loved ones, and the dislocation that comes from seeing our elders and guardians lying bloodied and lifeless, is unparalleled. We hope the pain that they carry around every day is a little lighter today

Continue reading at In The Middle of Nowhere

November 1975: some seldom mentioned facts

Syed Abul Maqsud is one of the few Bangladeshi columnists for whom history isn’t hostage to the partisan politics of the day.  While many other pundits, from across the political spectrum, report anecdotes that curiously support their current political stance, anecdotes that cannot be proved or disproved because the witnesses are conveniently dead, Mr Maqsud’s historical assertions are often backed by verifiable documents. 

He has recently written on the events of November 1975, their backgrounds, and the aftermath, in Prothom Alo.  We encourage everyone to read the piece for themselves — Nov 1975 is the haziest part of our history, and this piece is among the least biased we have seen this year. 

Over the fold, we summarise some key points.

Read more…